The ongoing agitation for the revival of the autonomous district council, ADC, in the hill district needs to be given priority attention by the government – if not for anything else then for the fact that this is part of one of the most vital constitutional visions of the country to reach governance to the very grassroots. It may be recalled the ADCs are the equivalent of the Panchayati Raj in the valley districts. It is another matter that although in form the Panchayati Raj institution exists in the valley districts, in substance there still remains a big question mark over their empowerment. As all of us are witness, perennial allegations are the government has been withholding funds and governance responsibilities meant for these civic bodies, depriving them of all vitality. But regardless of whether the grassroots constitutional institutions are empowered as they are envisaged to be, the consolation at least is that they exist in the valley districts, and not so in the hills. The truth also is funds for certain Central developmental schemes are available only to these grassroots constitutional organisations. This means while these funds would be available in the valley districts, there would be no way for the hill districts to tap the same opportunity. This shortfall must be made up for without losing any time.
Two decades ago, the ADCs were in place in the hill districts. But they withered away in the wake of an unprecedented agitation. Without indulging in any witch hunt, it would be pertinent to note that one of the major reasons for the death of the district councils was opposition from local MLAs because it hurt their interest. The first time the institution was brought down, the issue was very successfully diverted to the familiar hill-valley divide by invoking the demand for implementation of the emotive and controversial 6th Schedule in its stead. The 6th Schedule too operates through Autonomous District Councils, ADCs, the difference being these ADCs have more autonomy from the state government, and in fact are states within states. But the administrative overlaps with the state are what make the 6th Schedule controversial. The schedule was initially meant as a systemic mechanism to accommodate the then Naga Hills district and other tribal regions of Assam within the Assam administration. The Nagas under Phizo who was demanding total sovereignty for Nagaland refused the compromised constitutional arrangement. It however was applied to the Khasi and Jantia hills and parts of Mizoram. Almost as a vindication of the apprehension of the opponents of the 6th Schedule, these districts were to later bifurcate from Assam to become independent states. The ADCs lived on and in Meghalaya today there is almost a total administrative overlap between the ADCs and the state government. In Mizoram, the ADCs exist as the Chakma, Lakher and Pawi pockets. To this, another Hmar district council has been added. In Assam one more ADC has been created to accommodate the Karbi agitation for an autonomous state, and of course there is the Bodoland Autonomous District Council, which is under a separate legislation and not the 6th Schedule. In Tripura too, as an outcome of the TNV insurgency, an ADC now exists for the tribals of the state. It goes without saying all of these states are keen to have the 6th Schedule ADCs abolished not for anything else, but for the administrative overlaps and the inconveniences that predictably resulted.
The non-6th Schedule ADCs are different and are more like the Panchayats. But while pushing for the revival of these district councils, the state needs to remain wary that once again vested interests may try to divert the issue to the 6th Schedule demand so as to drown the issue and thus ultimately cause a status quo. The truth is, as in the case of the Panchayat, these local self governance bodies would take away a portion of the responsibilities (and importance) of the local MLAs thus the MLAs have a stake in ensuring they remain either a non starter or as damp squibs. Their fear is also that the executives of these bodies would use the powers given of these grassroots bodies as launching pads and emerge as future rivals in the larger Assembly politics. In the case of the Panchayats, the pressures of local MLAs have been somewhat, although still not totally, put in their rightful places, but not so in the case of the district councils. For the sake of a decentralised governance process, we hope the grassroots movement comes out on top in both the valley and the hills.